By Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Costly Democracy makes the case that the personal tastes of household elites are drastically formed through the prices they incur in adopting democracy, in addition to the leverage that peacebuilders wield to extend the prices of non-adoption. As situations from Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Timor, Rwanda, Namibia, Mozambique, and Tajikistan exhibit, household elites in postwar societies may possibly hope the resources—both fabric and symbolic—that peacebuilders can deliver, yet they're much less wanting to undertake democracy simply because they suspect democratic reforms may well endanger a few or all in their important pursuits. Costly Democracy deals comparative analyses of contemporary instances of peacebuilding to deepen figuring out of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions usually deliver peace, yet seldom democracy, to war-torn countries.
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Extra info for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War
10 It is also true that, once a regime has survived this transition and enjoys a consolidated democracy, prospects for future violence are reduced. 12 Because poverty is a defining characteristic of most postwar countries, it is not surprising that their leaders associate democratization with security risks. A second reason elites may be reluctant to embrace democracy is that the norms surrounding “good governance” restrict a leader’s ability to reign arbitrarily and to extort and expropriate state resources at will.
Leverage can also stem from domestic political actors’ dependence on foreign assets. Peacebuilders usually arrive with considerable financial resources. They provide aid for immediate humanitarian relief and capacity building; set up trust funds for certain sectors; fund state budgets; and offer loans. A gov- Leverage, Adoption Costs, and the Peacebuilding Game 31 ernment that depends on such funding for reconstruction, macroeconomic stability, security provision, or the daily running costs of government might be more inclined to cooperate with peacebuilders than a government that receives relatively little support.
Even for UN missions conducted under a Chapter VII mandate that does not require host government consent, the experience of peacebuilders, from high-level executives to field officers, is a constant bargaining with domestic political actors. ” As in any bargaining process, the outcome is determined by what the parties want and the resources and determination they can mobilize to achieve their goals. Peacebuilders, for their part, want to implement reforms that lead to a liberal peace: They want to deliver services and assistance that will create new institutions that (re)distribute political and economic power in a transparent, accountable, and democratic way.