By Jonathan Goodhand, Benedikt Korf, Jonathan Spencer
The interval among 2001 and 2006 observed the increase and fall of an the world over supported attempt to deliver a chronic violent clash in Sri Lanka to a calm answer. A ceasefire contract, signed in February 2002, used to be by way of six rounds of peace talks, yet becoming political violence, disagreements over center matters and a fragmentation of the constituencies of the foremost events ended in an eventual breakdown. within the wake of the failed peace procedure a brand new govt pursued a powerful ‘war for peace’ resulting in the army defeat of the LTTE at the battlefields of the north east in may perhaps 2009. This publication brings jointly a distinct variety of views in this troublesome and finally unsuccessful peace process.
The contributions are established upon wide box study and written by means of major Sri Lankan and foreign researchers and practitioners. The framework of ‘liberal peacebuilding’ offers an analytical start line for exploring the complicated and unpredictable interactions among overseas and family gamers in the course of the war-peace-war interval. the teachings drawn from the Sri Lankan case have vital implications within the context of wider debates at the ‘liberal peace’ and put up clash peacebuilding – really as those debates have principally been formed via the ‘high profile’ instances resembling Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. This ebook is of curiosity not just to Sri Lanka experts but in addition to the broader policy/practitioner viewers, and is an invaluable contribution to South Asian studies.
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Extra info for Conflict and Peacebuilding in Sri Lanka: Caught in the Peace Trap?
The LTTE’s state-like self-understanding and behaviour emanated from two sources (Uyangoda 2008b). First, the LTTE had a conscious political strategy to build the Tamil ‘nation’ through a struggle for statehood. From this perspective, the armed struggle was the primary means to achieving nationhood through building statehood. Second, the LTTE had developed institutions and practices akin to the ruling stratum of a regional, or emerging, state. It controlled a territory and administered a civilian population.
These antagonistic positions could be summarized as follows: for the UNF government, the economic dividend of peace took primacy over political outcomes of negotiations, whereas for the LTTE the political dividend of negotiations trumped the economic rewards of peace. What political outcomes did the LTTE expect from the engagement with the UNF government and the international community? Although the LTTE did not clearly outline these goals, the LTTE’s behaviour in 2001–2003 suggests that formalization and eventual recognition of the parallel administration and its extension to the entire Northern and Eastern Provinces was its primary objective in the short run.
State formation conflicts are thus propelled forward by the persistent resistance from within to reform the state. This is the ‘reform paradox’ of a state formation conflict. As Sri Lanka’s case demonstrates, this reform paradox provides the conflict with its main reproductive capacity. The theme I explore in this paper is the relationship between the competing claims of state power made by the two sides to the peace process – the UNF 18 Jayadeva Uyangoda government and the LTTE – and the impact of the incommensurability of those claims on the outcome of negotiations and the peace process as a whole.