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We can therefore state with some confidence that when Gregory of Catino rummaged through the shelves of Farfa’s archive at the end of the eleventh century, he found no documents from the Lombard period issued by and to lay people. Here, then, is a ‘pattern’ which may tell us something about the business of selecting documents for, retaining them in, and excising them from, Farfa’s archive. In addition, of course, it may tell us something about the lay documents that the Farfa monks encountered, individually or in collections, in the course of their administrative work.

Pratesi, ‘Appunti per una storia dell’evoluzione del notariato’, in Pratesi, Tra carte e notai (Rome, 1992), pp. 521–35. Of Farfa’s non-ducal/royal charters to 787, sixty-one (59 per cent) were written in the local civitas-centre of Rieti and a further four at the ducal civitas of Spoleto, twenty at Farfa itself, and nineteen at settlements below the level of the civitas: Zielinski, Studien, p. 206, n. 386. These figures are not untypical. 29 Power and Patronage in Early Medieval Italy the ‘public’) into the process of redaction.

Bougard, La justice dans le royaume d’Italie de la fin du VIIIe sie`cle au de´but du XIe sie`cle (Rome, 1995), p. 70. There is evidence that by the ninth century some scribes at least were paid for their writing: MGH Capit. II, no. 201, c. 832). 28 Introduction more negative view of state oversight, there is no need to suppose any routine public recognition for scribes in the eighth and ninth centuries. 118 Thus there was a flexible situation in the eighth century in which many different people could write documents.

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