Download Beyond the Emergency: Development Within UN Peace Missions by Jeremy Ginifer PDF

By Jeremy Ginifer

This quantity makes a speciality of the problem of improvement in the UN peace project. It examines a few severe matters when it comes to the interface among improvement, aid and peacekeeping, together with institutional coordination, the implementation of improvement within the box, and the contending philosophies that usually underpin army and developmental techniques to human safeguard. now not least, it poses the query of the way sustainable improvement suits in the post-conflict house of UN peace missions.

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It continues to be the emergency’ and peacekeeping, and their imperatives, that characteristically dominate the UN mission. Emergency relief and security corner the lion's share of resources, and it is usually the political-military leadership that has the principal say in directing and shaping the course of peace operations. Proponents of development, such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and some UN organizations, are increasingly questioning whether this is the most efficacious approach to the challenge of creating lasting solutions to the endemic internal conflicts that confront the UN.

In Angola, Cambodia, and Rwanda appeasement was an ineffective and morally bankrupt policy. Appeasement cannot work if the targeted party interprets it as weakness. 20 The odds against appeasement working are long because of the societal and cultural contexts of civil wars. In civil wars the rule of law has broken down, force has become the ultimate arbiter of disputes, and accommodation can easily be interpreted as weakness. Ideally, an implementing force must be strong and determined enough to insist that local parties must meet their obligations.

Parties in recent civil wars have even misjudged the pay-off for a unilateral return to war. The Presidential Guard in Rwanda believed that by taking advantage of the peace settlement it could win a complete victory and forge a final solution to the country's ethnic conflict. Instead, within two months – while it directed the killing of 800,000 civilians – its army was utterly routed by a smaller but better trained opponent. In Angola, Jonas Savimbi's Uniao Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA) controlled nearly 80 per cent of the country during its post-election offensive of 1992, only to see the Angolan government regroup, rearm, hire South African mercenaries and gradually regain lost ground to the point where UNITA faced likely military defeat.

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