By W. Nester
This article analyzes US-Japan kin amidst the altering nature of energy and diplomacy. Chapters discover the relative successes and shortcomings of yankee liberalism and jap neomercantilism, the bilateral exchange duels over finance, excessive expertise and agriculture, and the prices and merits of overseas funding and armed forces spending. The e-book concludes with feedback for a systemic and radical overhaul of yank rules towards itself, the worldwide financial system, and Japan. William R. Nester has additionally written "Japan's becoming strength Over East Asia and the area Economy", "The Foundations of jap Power", "Japanese commercial Targeting", and "Japan and the 3rd World".
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Extra resources for American Power, the New World Order and the Japanese Challenge
Furthermore, it is less costly; the hegemon can expend fewer economic and military resources to secure compliance". Successful hegemonic leadership thus depends on a dynamic "intertwining of socioeconomic, political, and ideological structures" embedded in a particular economic system, which "limit the bounds of what is understood to be legitimate policy choice, thereby securing" the hegemon's continued dominance. Although most analysts agree on these basic requirements for and assertion of hegemony, they are split over a range of other key questions.
If a state can make its power legitimate in the eyes of others, it will encounter less resistance to its wishes. If its culture and ideology are attractive, others will more willingly follow. If it establishes international norms that are consistent with its society, it will be less likely to have to change. If it can help support institutions that encourage other states to channel or limit their activities in ways the dominent state prefers, it may not need as many costly excercises of coercive or hard power in bargaining.
T h e implications of this are profound. Levy states that the "absence of war between democracies comes as close as anything we have to an empirical law in international relations". 5 It follows that, as more states become democratic, the possibility of war decreases accordingly, and if all states were genuine democracies, war would cease to plague humankind, thus fulfilling K a n t ' s dream. Encouraging as the propensity for peace among democratic states is, Levy points out that "democratic states have been involved proportionately in as many wars as nondemocratic states".